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About Greg45865734

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  1. I wouldn't argue that since you're arguing against a team not a specific team member. I think it would be hard to argue that the part-black team is commodifying black experience by running a performance.
  2. Oh I see now, it was both just a joke and I was wrong to assume you wouldn't take it serious. I apologize.
  3. Speak for yourself. My idea of fun isn't putting effort in a debate for my opponent to never make it past the Neg block. I enjoy debate, it's fun. One person fucking around while the other person is trying to debate isn't fun, and that's not cause I'm taking it too seriously.
  4. Cross-Ex 1. What is Queer? Additionally what is the different from being LGBT and Queer? 2. What is the condition of the K, CP and CA? 3. Why is embracing Jesus competitive with Comprehensive sex education? 4. Where are the warrants to both Chopin 13 cards considering both of them, in total, have less than 20 highlighted words? 5. What is queer failure? 6. Your Puar tag contains the phrase "The AC’s conception of static", what exactly is the AC's conception of static and what proves we have that conception? 7. Why is Queer Erasure a worse type of violence than hetero-normative violence? 8. How does Queer knowledge production as per your alt prevent the violent abandonment of the queer from society?
  5. 1. REHYA would allocate funds to certain programs whose curriculum and methods meet REHYA standards, from that points it would most likely operate similar to traditional curricula, administrators ensure the programs follow the curriculum and methods through teacher review etc. the federal government inspects the programs and if it finds they are not following the REHYA standards they lose funding. 2. REHYA would solve those things by allocating funds to programs that adopt methods that effectively teach a version of sex education that addresses those problems, such as teaching and practicing affirmative consent. 3. Some important examples of not being hostile to LGBTQ people would be teaching medically accurate information about non heterosexual sex, treating being LGBTQ as normal, teaching condom use as that's something brushed over in heteronormative abst-only education. Some don'ts would be to not classify any of said identities as mental illnesses, or imply that they aren't 'real' which is something abstinence only education has been repeatedly guilty of and just in general not treating them as something inherently bad or shameful. Being gay typically means being a man who is attracted to men, bi is attracted to both genders, transgender meaning identifying with a gender different than the sex assigned at birth.
  6. When you post something like this it doesn't exactly scream "I'm looking for a debate that I will take seriously"
  7. 1. It won't. The plan mandates that all programs that receive federal funding must follow the REHYA standards. 2. REHYA is a law that never passed, it would have mandated that all federal funding must follow its standards for sex education that are well outlined in the Kempner 16 card. The plan mandates that all federal funding for sex ed would have to follow those standards. 3. Patriarchy won't kill millions, it does and will continue to kill millions through oppressive patriarchal governments. Besides the Hooks card mostly focuses on the physic suffering it inflicts. And our impact framing is in the context of low probability impacts that will trigger a non-SQ event, that doesn't apply to structural violence. 4. Doing so would be in violation of REHYA, if it is reported and not properly dealt with than the program would lose federal funding. 5. The 1AC never discusses Queer sex ed, however REHYA does mandate that it teaches LGBT sex ed as well straight sex ed without being insensitive, hostile or dismissive to LGBTQ students.
  8. 1AC Attached 1800 words for constructives, 1200 for rebuttals Feel free to judge!
  9. This is the card in question: Wilderson 8 (Frank, “Biko and the Problematic of Presence,” in Biko Lives!: Contesting the Legacies of Steve Biko, p. 102) Even if these White radicals had been persuaded by Biko and Black Consciousness that the essential nature of the antagonism was not capitalism but anti-Blackness (and no doubt some had been persuaded), they could not have been persuaded to organize in a politically masochistic manner; that is, against the concreteness of their own communities, their own families, and themselves, rather than against the abstraction of “the system”—the targetless nomenclature preferred by the UDF. Political masochism would indeed be ethical but would also bring them to the brink of the abyss of their own subjectivity. They would be embarking upon a political journey the trajectory of which would not simply hold out the promise of obliterating class relations and establishing an egalitarian socius (what less articulate and more starry-eyed White activists in the United States refer to as “vision”), but they would be embarking upon a journey whose trajectory Frantz Fanon called “the end of the world.”22 The “new” world that class-based political “vision” is predicated on (i.e., the dictatorship of the proletariat) isn’t new in the sense that it ushers in an unimaginable episteme; it is really no more than a reorganization of Modernity’s own instruments of knowledge. But a world without race, more precisely, a world without Blackness, is truly unimaginable. Such a world cannot be accomplished with a blueprint of what is to come on the other side. It must be undone because, as Biko, Fanon, and others have intimated, it is unethical, but it cannot be refashioned in the mind prior to its undoing. A political project such as this, whereby the only certainty is uncertainty and a loss of all of one’s coordinates, is not the kind of political project Whites could be expected to meditate on, agitate for, theorize, or finance. And though it might not be the kind of project that Blacks would consciously support, it is the essence of the psychic and material location of where Blacks are. Caught between a shameful return to liberalism and a terrifying encounter with the abyss of Black “life”— caught, that is, between liberalism and death—some White activists took up the banner of socialism, others espoused a vague but vociferous anti-apartheidism, and most simply worked aimlessly yet tirelessly to fortify and extend the interlocutory life of “the ANC’s long-standing policy of deferring consideration of working class interests . . . until after national liberation had been achieved.”23
  10. I want to go Aff on the education topic, message me if interested
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