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About CharlieH

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    Charlie H
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    New Trier
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  1. CharlieH

    Topical K Affs

    tbh it's not the world's best aff however manny and richard are great debaters
  2. Those two cards are good and popular, but there's a card I like that's more recent and better. Also, does anyone have an impact to cap that's like cap --> private military companies -> which are bad? Would really appreciate that. Neolib UQ.docx
  3. haha @ethank. hope nyc is going well for ya tell the tp boys hi! they rock
  4. Yeah. I see what you mean. But the thing is on this topic anthro links are much more common. here's are some cites for agamben with links to the law instead. ====Since World War I, violence has been normalized by the globalization of the state of exception when the law justifies its own suspension, transforming itself into a killing machine, and ushering in global civil war. Return to the legal normal authorizes such violent international aggression==== **Agamben 05**. Giorgio Agamben, famous philosopher, The State of Exception, pg. 85 It is perhaps possible at this point to look back upon the path trav- AND working of the machine that is leading the West toward global civil war. ====Their use of law plays into a rigged game of law which adds more illusory safeguards which can be subverted whenever the government sees fit. ==== **Krasmann 12.** Susanne Krasmann, Professor of Sociology at the Institute for Criminological Research, University of Hamburg, "Law's knowledge: On the susceptibility and resistance of legal practices to security matters, "Theoretical Criminology 2012 16: 379 originally published online 4 June 2012, pg. 380 In the face of these developments, a new debate on how to contain governmental AND can be regarded as a touchstone of law's resistance to its own abrogation. ====Stop using the legal system to fix problems within the legal system—the state of exception and its disregard of its own very laws is the maximum point of tension—use the crisis of the 1ac an impulse to craft a new politics==== **Prozorov 10.** Sergei Prozorov, professor of political and economic studies at the University of Helsinki, "Why Giorgio Agamben is an optimist," Philosophy Social Criticism 2010 36: pg. 1057 The second principle of Agamben's optimism is best summed up by Ho ̈lderlin's phrase, AND biopolitical apparatus prepares its self-destruction by fully manifesting its own vacuity.
  5. hey pacifist, idk if it's quite what you're looking for, but i've found agamben to be a great combination of anthro and more traditional kritiks of sovereignty and imperialism. of course, it's easy if you hit an OCS aff to get links to ocean imperialism off things like russia and china reps, but agamben is slightly more nuanced and allows you to get imperialism links and impacts, with the added benefit of a kritik of anthropocentrism. there aren't any open ev files for it, but if you look at college wikis from 2013 there were a fair amount of agamben args and cards available, try searching for calarco in 8, pugliese in 13, or prosorov in 10. also a couple of the camp files particularly from michigan and wake's k of exploration affs contains some great agamben links based on the sovereign/subject distinction in the context of exploring marine habitats and the "anthropological machine." if that interests you, i'd be happy to pm you a 1nc shell that i read.
  6. Here's a 1NC deleuze state pik as an example of what you could do. 1NC.docx
  7. CharlieH

    Chicago Teams

  8. i heard through the grapevine that nothing will pass Ex-Im bank is the best ptx scenario ;D
  9. What is this Speculative Realist movement?

  10. CharlieH


    Anyone can PM me for more cards if interested. The state military apparatus utilizes nomadic tactics to annihilate indigenous populations. Sedentary institutions and international laws actually constrain state power and prevent brutality. Watson 2005 (Janell, Prof. @ Virginia Tech & Editor of Minnesota Review. “Oil Wars, or the Extrastate Conflict ‘Beyond the Line’: Schmitt’s Nomos, Deleuze’s War Machine, and the New Order of the Earth.†South Atlantic Quarterly 104:2.) As Manuel Delanda points out, certain historical moments favor the state military over the nomadic war machine, especially when technological changes also affect the ability of weak states to resist their more powerful rivals. There are great military machines that only states can afford, such as the stealth bombers and tanks currently in use in the Middle East. Furthermore, the divide between the state military and the nomadic war machine is not always cut and dried. Modern armies have adopted many nomadic tactics, such as the use of small independent commando units conducting raids, even though it is only with difficulty that state armies consistently relinquish enough control that soldiers may use the decentralized tactics of the nomads.11 Also nomadic is the U.S. Pentagon’s marked preference for the desert as a theater of war, as opposed to forested mountains. It is easy to imagine Donald Rumsfeld as he dreams of waging a nomadic war in the smooth space of the Iraqi desert. Damn that state that will not allow his soldiers to act as warriors. Damn the international community that will not grant Iraq the full status of nonstate soil—the space in which international law does not hold. The humanizing, rationalizing, and legalizing side of the state, whose positive accomplishments Deleuze and Guattari fail to acknowledge, does in fact constrain my imaginary Rumsfeld with international laws and policies such as the Geneva Convention, in effect bracketing war, even when a powerful state is fighting ‘‘beyond the line’’ on nonstate soil, such as that of the overthrown Iraq. The international community and its institutions for maintaining rules of military engagement pose the greatest impediment to today’s most powerful state armies, which might wish to employ the brutal tactics of the nomads or to annihilate indigenous peoples—modern-day nomads. The concept of the nomad produces sterile politics and cedes the political. Because it’s too purist it leaves too many questions, like feasibility, unanswered. Newman 10 [saul, Reader in Political Theory at Goldsmiths, U of London, Theory & Event Volume 13, Issue 2] At the same time, however, we should be cautious here of too easy an identification of Badiou’s thought with anarchism; to do so would be to elide the important ways in which it makes problematic certain aspects of the revolutionary narrative of classical anarchism.9 What would be opposed in Badiou’s account is the idea of the pure social revolution that destroys state power in one giant upheaval. The spontaneous movement of social forces against the state is premised on the Manichean division – central to classical anarchism – between the natural social principle, and the artificial political principle, between, in other words, society and the state. What this opposition neglects, according to Badiou, is the deeper dialectical relationship between these two forces. In a critique of what he saw as the libertarianism of Deleuze and Guattari’s work Anti-Oedipus, with its polar opposites of Flux and the System, the Nomad and the Despot, the Schizo and the Paranoiac – in other words of the spontaneous, revolutionary movement of desire against fixed, authoritarian structures and identities – Badiou argues that this simply leads to a sterile politics of resistance and opposition which leaves existing power structures intact.10 The critique referred to here was written in the 1970s, during Badiou’s more explicitly Maoist and also Marxist-Leninist phase; and, indeed, it is interesting to note the major contrast between his earlier insistence on the iron discipline of the vanguard party and its project of seizing state power - in opposition to ‘anarcho-desirers’ like Deleuze and Guattari - and his more recent attempts to conceive of a politics beyond the state and the party. For all his criticism of the anarchist tradition, Badiou, it would seem, has moved further in this direction in recent years and I can only add that, when compared to his earlier fetishization of the vanguard party, this is a good thing. However, is there anything in this critique of left libertarianism - what he denounced at the time, using the sectarian jargon of the day, as ultra-leftism11 – that is worthy of more serious consideration? What I think can be taken from this is a certain problematization of the absolute moral division between society and power that was central to classical anarchism. What Badiou’s critique forces us to consider is the extent to which this sort of Manicheanism obscures a more complex relationship between the two forces; the way that – in a Foucauldian sense – there might be a more intimate interaction between the society and power, a realisation which would unsettle to some extent the revolutionary narrative of the great, spontaneous upheaval against state power. More specifically, anarchists would be forced to grapple with the realities of power: what does it mean to destroy state power?; how can this be concretely achieved?; can the overthrow of the state be realised without an engagement with other power relations?; to what extent is the idea of a totalising revolution against state power a comfortable illusion which condemns anarchism to a kind of purist position, which in reality is a position of impotence? In other words, such considerations would make it difficult for anarchism to sustain a position of pure anti-politics. It is questions such as these which necessitate a rethinking of certain aspects of classical anarchism, and it is here that we could speak of a ‘postanarchism’.12 However, we must not concede too much to Badiou here.
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