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What are you referring to exactly? I have stuff I'd be willing to post if you're more clear about what you're talking about

Disaster Porn is a Baudrillard K 

 

Fearism is a spinoff of some of Agambens work on Biopower and it says that surveillance is only there to control and watch the Other. I have a little bit cut on this but not a lot. 

 

Fearism causes the demand for the exclusion of the Other from human values, civic rights, and moral obligations because of the “threat” they perceive the Other to be

 

Michalinos Zembylas Journal of Curriculum Theorizing ♦ Volume 26, Number 2, 2010 Volume 26, Number 2, 2010             Open University of Cyprus, the area of exploring how discursive, political, and cultural aspects define the experience of emotion and affect in curriculum and pedagogy. I am particularly interested in how affective politics intersect with issues of social justice pedagogies, intercultural and peace education, and citizenship education.

Fear creates boundaries between “what I am” and “that which I am not,” through the very affect of turning away from an object that threatens “that which I am.” Fear works by enabling some bodies to inhabit and move in public space and by restricting the movement of other bodies to spaces that are enclosed, such as when nation–states create policies to prevent ‘illegal’ immigrants, ‘un–qualified’ refugees or ‘bogus’ asylum seekers to enter the It is the flow of fear among ‘legal’ citizens that establishes these boundaries between ‘us’ state.1 and ‘them’—the fear that illegal immigrants, unqualified refugees and bogus asylum seekers, for example, threaten the well–being of a state or the character of a nation. Public discourses and news media against immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers play a crucial role in circulating the idea that these groups pose a threat to the well–being and security of a state. Once the Other is constituted as a threat to ‘our’ sense of national belonging, then ‘we’ learn to desire and demand ‘their’ exclusion from the sphere of human values, civic rights and moral obligations (Papastergiadis, 2006; Tyler, 2006). It is this process that we need to interrogate, as Agamben urges us. He writes: “It would be more honest and, above all, more useful to carefully investigate...[the] deployments of power by which human beings could be so completely deprived of their rights...that no act committed against them could appear any longer a crime” 

Edited by kylerbuckner

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Disaster Porn is a Baudrillard K 

 

Fearism is a spinoff of some of Agambens work on Biopower and it says that surveillance is only there to control and watch the Other. I have a little bit cut on this but not a lot. 

 

Fearism causes the demand for the exclusion of the Other from human values, civic rights, and moral obligations because of the “threat” they perceive the Other to be

 

Michalinos Zembylas Journal of Curriculum Theorizing ♦ Volume 26, Number 2, 2010 Volume 26, Number 2, 2010             Open University of Cyprus, the area of exploring how discursive, political, and cultural aspects define the experience of emotion and affect in curriculum and pedagogy. I am particularly interested in how affective politics intersect with issues of social justice pedagogies, intercultural and peace education, and citizenship education.

Fear creates boundaries between “what I am” and “that which I am not,” through the very affect of turning away from an object that threatens “that which I am.” Fear works by enabling some bodies to inhabit and move in public space and by restricting the movement of other bodies to spaces that are enclosed, such as when nation–states create policies to prevent ‘illegal’ immigrants, ‘un–qualified’ refugees or ‘bogus’ asylum seekers to enter the It is the flow of fear among ‘legal’ citizens that establishes these boundaries between ‘us’ state.1 and ‘them’—the fear that illegal immigrants, unqualified refugees and bogus asylum seekers, for example, threaten the well–being of a state or the character of a nation. Public discourses and news media against immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers play a crucial role in circulating the idea that these groups pose a threat to the well–being and security of a state. Once the Other is constituted as a threat to ‘our’ sense of national belonging, then ‘we’ learn to desire and demand ‘their’ exclusion from the sphere of human values, civic rights and moral obligations (Papastergiadis, 2006; Tyler, 2006). It is this process that we need to interrogate, as Agamben urges us. He writes: “It would be more honest and, above all, more useful to carefully investigate...[the] deployments of power by which human beings could be so completely deprived of their rights...that no act committed against them could appear any longer a crime” 

 

 

yeah you should just get a security file and a suffering reps bad K. the ev people will read against you will be about the same and will apply just as well if they can defend their aff is true. 

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Just advice, as a novice I wouldn't go for disaster porn, I do have some homecut baudrillard stuff though.

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Disaster Porn is a Baudrillard K 

 

Fearism is a spinoff of some of Agambens work on Biopower and it says that surveillance is only there to control and watch the Other. I have a little bit cut on this but not a lot. 

 

Fearism causes the demand for the exclusion of the Other from human values, civic rights, and moral obligations because of the “threat” they perceive the Other to be

 

Michalinos Zembylas Journal of Curriculum Theorizing ♦ Volume 26, Number 2, 2010 Volume 26, Number 2, 2010             Open University of Cyprus, the area of exploring how discursive, political, and cultural aspects define the experience of emotion and affect in curriculum and pedagogy. I am particularly interested in how affective politics intersect with issues of social justice pedagogies, intercultural and peace education, and citizenship education.

Fear creates boundaries between “what I am” and “that which I am not,” through the very affect of turning away from an object that threatens “that which I am.” Fear works by enabling some bodies to inhabit and move in public space and by restricting the movement of other bodies to spaces that are enclosed, such as when nation–states create policies to prevent ‘illegal’ immigrants, ‘un–qualified’ refugees or ‘bogus’ asylum seekers to enter the It is the flow of fear among ‘legal’ citizens that establishes these boundaries between ‘us’ state.1 and ‘them’—the fear that illegal immigrants, unqualified refugees and bogus asylum seekers, for example, threaten the well–being of a state or the character of a nation. Public discourses and news media against immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers play a crucial role in circulating the idea that these groups pose a threat to the well–being and security of a state. Once the Other is constituted as a threat to ‘our’ sense of national belonging, then ‘we’ learn to desire and demand ‘their’ exclusion from the sphere of human values, civic rights and moral obligations (Papastergiadis, 2006; Tyler, 2006). It is this process that we need to interrogate, as Agamben urges us. He writes: “It would be more honest and, above all, more useful to carefully investigate...[the] deployments of power by which human beings could be so completely deprived of their rights...that no act committed against them could appear any longer a crime” 

This is basically just an explanation of the effects of Otherization on the mind

 

I don't think there's ever been a philosopher that has not written about how the West (the I) erases difference (which is basically this card) 

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