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LaurenNicole

democracy, again.

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well I dont know about not truly existing, but you could use the theory of the Minimal state, not to solve, but to prove that democracy is inherently illegitimate, and can never purely exist, if not what you're lookeing for, sorry.

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well I dont know about not truly existing, but you could use the theory of the Minimal state, not to solve, but to prove that democracy is inherently illegitimate, and can never purely exist, if not what you're lookeing for, sorry.

 

Thanks for posting. However, I'm looking for a brief card to throw in as a neg. apprioris (Im doing LD, obviously.) I don't want to base my advocacy entirely on negating a single word in the resolved, and it seems like the minimal state theory might take a while to break down.Thanks for the suggestion, though.

 

 

ehhh....again, does anyone have the card? message me. or get at me on aim- Lauren Sayyysss

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Here's the whole K.

I will link the affirmative to an assumption, prove it to be false, and the provide the alternative for your ballot. Because the critique says democracy doesn’t exist, if I lose the alternative but win the links and impacts, there would still be a zero percent chance of affirmative offense because an agent which doesn’t exist can’t take actions. This is sufficient to say that I have a unique theory of democracy by saying true democracies don’t exist.

 

The A point is the links.

 

1) The resolution presumes a democratic society is the agent of action in the resolution. Without the resolution’s actor the resolution cannot be true, it’s like saying a unicorn killed my uncle, if unicorns don’t exist it couldn’t possibly have happened.

 

2) They concede in cross examination the AC presumes the existence of a democratic structure in society.

 

3) [OPTIONAL] The aff advantages are about strengthening democracy, so if it doesn’t exist they can’t access impacts back to the resolution.

 

The B point is the Impacts.

 

True democratic societies cannot exist. There are 5 reasons. [Philippe Schmitter, Professor of Political Science at Stanford University., 1996, THE GLOBAL RESURGENCE OF DEMOCRACY, ed: Diamond & Plattner pg. 81-82] writes, “1) Oligarchy: Robert Michels was the first to observe that even in the most democratic of institutions, professional leaders and staff tend to possess certain advantages of incumbency that insulate them from the threat of being deposed by challengers. His “Iron Law” implies that parties associations, and movements - to say nothing of legislatures - all become increasingly oligarchic and therefore less accountable to their members or the public at large.

 

2) “Free-Riding”: Mancur Olson may not have been the first, but he has been the most systematic in demonstrating that much of what sustains and is produced by democracy consists of public goods to which individuals have no rational incentive to contribute voluntarily. In the absence of private selective payoffs, citizens in a democracy should “learn” that it is not worth their while to vote, to join associations or movements, or even to participate in public affairs since their various discrete contributions will normally have little or no impact upon the outcome. Increasingly, they will leave most of this activity to professional “political entrepreneurs” acting more or less independently of their followers, constituents, or clients.

 

3) “Policy-cyclying”: All modern democracies have to make decisions involving the uneven distribution of costs and benefits among groups and individuals. Whenever this is done by majority vote, rather than by unanimity, the possibility arises of cycling, i.e. of unstable majorities formed by shifting coalitions composed of groups with incompatible preferences to other issues. If choices are presented pairwise, no stable majority emerges, and there may ensue a vacillating series of policy measures that pass in sequence, but have the net effect of alienating everyone.

 

4) Functional autonomy: All democracies must depend for their survival on specialized institutions that cannot themselves be democratic - the armed forces and the central bank are the most obvious examples. For these to perform their respective functions efficiently, they must be insulated from popular pressures and partisan competition. To the extent that the role of such institutions increases in a more turbulent, competitive, and internationally interdependent environment, the power of the experts who run these institutions will increase at the expense of congressional and executive leaders accountable to the citizenry.

 

5) Interdependence: All contemporary democracies, even the largest and most powerful of them, are entangled in complex webs of interdependence with other democracies and some autocracies. In principle, elected national leaders are sovereign. In practice, however, they are quite limited in their ability to control the decisions of transnational firms, the movement of ideas and persons across their borders, and the impact of their neighbors’ policies. Their authority confined to nation-states, these leaders find themselves decreasingly capable of ensuring the welfare and security of their own citizens.

 

For those five reasons true democratic societies can never exist.

 

The C point is the alternative.

 

Vote negative. The critique implicates the truth of the resolution not the desirability of it, for that reason the only thing you need to do with you ballot is vote neg because the aff can’t be true. My burden as the negative debater is to refute the supposed veracity of the resolution which proving it’s impossible achieves.

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